Consuming revolution: TikTok and Corecore

    The advent of the Internet has radically influenced how people communicate with one another. At the very least, the Internet has opened up new avenues for communication that transcend previously existing geographic and temporal barriers. Owing to the virtually unrestricted access to information they offer, online platforms make up new spaces for cultural creation and expansion (Hebdige, 2012). But in creating space for culture, online platforms are also spaces where the hegemony of certain cultural forms can be resisted. There is value in examining these online spaces, and the resistance they garner. Hence, in this essay I will be exploring #Corecore, an aesthetic based video trend that became popular through the social media platform TikTok, as it constitutes an example of the aforementioned avenues for resistance.

   This essay will begin by exploring the phenomenon of corecore. This discussion will involve not only an in-depth description of the formula behind the videos that follow the aesthetic, but also an analysis of the online context in which #Corecore appeared. I will then proceed to analyse this online phenomenon through a subcultural lens. This section will draw from the analysis of 20th century subcultures carried out by scholars at the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS). More specifically, I will be centring the analysis through Hebdige’s work on punk subcultures, to highlight the elements of symbolic resistance present in #Corecore as an online movement. This section will end through a discussion of post-subcultural critiques. From this point forward, the final sections of the essay will focus on the potential for real change the #Corecore movement has. This analysis will be twofold. Firstly, I will explore the limitations of an aesthetic based political movement through notions of magical resistance and recuperation and drawing from Portwood-Stacer’s analysis of lifestyle anarchists. Secondly, I will explore the potential of the movement through Mark Fisher’s capitalist realism.

 

ORIGIN AND CONTEXT FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF CORECORE

   As mentioned in the introduction, #Corecore is an aesthetic based video trend that originated and became popular in the social media platform TikTok. The name of the aesthetic stems from the suffix -core. With its origin in the term “hardcore” and hardcore music, in online spaces, the suffix -core is used to indicate that a given content is part of an aesthetic (Judkis, 2021). As a result of this naming system, images, videos, and creators can be easily grouped together into different hashtags.[1] Through continued use, the hashtags eventually contain large amounts of related imagery, which not only creates a given aesthetic, but it also provides a space for the aesthetic to develop. Whilst this is not an exhaustive list, examples of the use of the suffix -core are cottagecore, an aesthetic that honours rural life through a celebration of nature, simple living, and second-hand and comfortable clothing (Ramachandran, 2021; Kay & Wood, 2021); fairycore an aesthetic aimed at looking like an ethereal version of a fairy through the use pastel colours, and garments made with eccentric fabrics and shapes (Michie, 2022); or cluttercore, a home space aesthetic that escapes minimalism through combining colours, patterns, and objects within one space.

   #Corecore appropriates the -core suffix to use it in a new and unconventional way, because it is not trying to imitate or celebrate an already existing concept or style. Following a structure that resembles the nonsensical nature of Dada art, corecore videos consist of a collage of seemingly unrelated clips, that sometimes engage with similar issues. Beyond imagery, corecore creators edit their videos with some form of pessimistic or dark audio in the background that is superimposed with the audio of the clips. The final result of this artistic process intends to convey meaning and emotion through the juxtaposition of images and sound. However, corecore creators are not trying to convey meaning and emotion in a general sense, rather there is an explicit intent behind this aesthetic. The original purpose of corecore was one of critique. More specifically, a political and social critique of late-stage capitalism, modern consumer culture, and the environmental neglect that these two factors contribute to. I will illustrate the look and purpose of corecore with two examples.

   The first uploaded video that followed the corecore formula, included clips of various environmental disasters, as well as climate graphs, followed by flashing images of the US military and busy supermarkets during Black Friday (@masonoelle, 2021). It can easily be argued that the creator intended an anti-capitalist and environmentalist critique of both the military industrial complex and overconsumption habits. This video set the tone for artistic appearance and themes that make up corecore. We can see how this continued in a more recent example. In this instance, the video consists of a series of clips showing TikTok content creators opening Shein packages, it then cut into selected clips of various documentaries about the working conditions of Shein factories (@thenicher, 2023). In this case, whilst there is a wider critique of capitalism and consumerism, the commentary also focuses on how overconsumption is performed in social media circles.

   From this brief description, not only of corecore, but also of its origin among other social media aesthetics, I contend that some of the tensions created by corecore, namely its appropriation and subversion of existing content and language and its purpose of critique, can be understood, and explained, through a subcultural lens.

 

SUBCULTURES: ONLINE CULTURE AND CORECORE

   From the study of young working-class people, scholars at the CCCS developed the subcultural approach during the 1960s and 1970s. They desired to examine how the working-class experience had changed in post-World War II Britain. More specifically, how the structural changes that had taken place during this period, and specifically the new relationship with media, split understandings of the working class (Guerra, 2020). In his book, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (1979), Hebdige grapples with these issues and explores how subcultures are born, as well as the rationale behind their practices.

   Drawing from Barthes’ Mythologies (1957), Hebdige contends that “all aspects of culture possess a semiotic value, and the most taken-for-granted phenomena can function as signs” which are “as opaque as the social relations which produce them” (Hebdige, 1979, p. 13). In other words, central to Hebdige’s analysis is the notion that there is an ideological layer to cultural signs that is directly linked to the ideology behind social hierarchies. As a result, mainstream culture excludes marginal discourses in favour of dominant ones, and therefore, “tends to represent, in however obscure and contradictory a fashion, the interests of the dominant groups in society” (Hebdige, 1979, p. 15). Accordingly, subcultures emerge “to express and resolve, albeit magically, the contradictions which remain hidden or unresolved in the parent culture” (Cohen, 1980, p. 71).

   This challenge to the parent culture occurs through the appropriation and subversion of the meaning of signs. Hebdige illustrates how “humble objects can be magically appropriated; ‘stolen’ by subordinate groups and made to carry ‘secret’ meanings” (Hebdige, 1979, p. 18). These secret meanings go against the ‘nature’ of the object and disrupt the naturalisation of dominant ideological meanings. Hebdige exemplifies this subversion through the following example:

   “The conventional insignia of the business world – the suit, collar and tie, short hair, etc. – were stripped of their original connotations – efficiency, ambition, compliance with authority – and transformed into ‘empty’ fetishes, objects to be desired, fondled and valued in their own right” (Hebdige, 1979, p. 105).

   As introduced in the previous section, corecore engages with this symbolical subversion. We take the other “-cores” as the parent culture that represents the interests of the dominant groups in society. Arguably, the upper middle-class background of many mainstream content creators informs the ideological layer of TikTok aesthetics (Pijnaker & Spronk, 2017). So, for example, while cottagecore is “about trying to create an ideal” (Judkis, 2021), which provides a “means to express middle-class aesthetics, aspirations and senses of being in the world” (Pijnaker & Spronk, 2017, p. 327), Corecore does not engage in such aspirations. Corecore confronts the parent culture, not only through the ironic appropriation of the suffix -core, but through the subversion of signs. Much like Hebdige described how subcultures borrowed objects for their ensembles, Corecore does this not with clothing but with videos. The videos and images corecore creators use had previous meanings and purposes, the songs were created for a different context. Corecore creators take what once was meant as perhaps wholesome or informative content and flip it into critique through shock and pessimism. It is this final element of critique that the following section will focus on.

   Before proceeding to the following section, I would like to briefly engage with the critique of subcultural theories carried out by post-subcultural scholars. A contentious issue raised by post-subcultural theories concerns whether online practices can be considered within the label of subculture. Central to this debate, is the notion that subcultures, as defined by the CCCS, cannot “cope with growing cultural dynamism in contemporary societies” (Guerra, 2020, p. 211). In agreement with this initial notion, scholars such as Bennett (1999), or Muggleton (2000), argued that a consequence of this cultural dynamism was that individual and collective identities would be in constant transition and thus be temporary and contextual. Furthermore, as the Internet gives people unrestricted access to information, and therefore cultural spaces, it has intensified cultural fluidity, and, consequently, the fragmentation of identities (Turkle 1995; Castells, 2001).

   However, the idea that, as a default, the internet fosters cultural diversity is questionable (Hodkinson, 2003; Williams, 2006). Rather, I contend that the opposite is often true, the internet has the potential to promote specialised and limited interests. For example, in a study on Goths in the early 2000s, Hodkinson (2003) concluded that the people partaking in the subculture visited a closed network of websites that referenced each other through hyperlinks. This continues to be the case for social media platforms, and particularly TikTok where corecore is based. TikTok functions through an algorithm that curates an individualised “For You Page” for every user.  This is the essence of its appeal. The algorithm feeds the user content related to the interests the user has already established, based on the seconds spent watching previous content, accounts followed, and videos liked, which creates a continued cohesive “style” (Barnette, 2022).

   I would like to emphasise that there is not a perfect parallel between the subcultures the CCCS researched and corecore. There are components of the subcultural analysis that cannot be extrapolated because corecore takes place in an entirely different medium, on a global scale, and within a different financial and social context. Consequently, issues such as the lack of “career prospects” that stem from partaking in subcultural style, as highlighted by Cohen (1980), cannot be applied to the example at hand. Nevertheless, given what this section has argued, I contend that subcultural theory is an appropriate analytical framework.

 

MAGICAL RESISTANCE, CO-OPTION, AND LIFESTYLE ACTIVISM

   Since corecore is meant as political and social critique, it is worth asking the extent to which this form of activism may lead to real change. Following the parallel I established in the previous section, I draw once again from subcultural theory to examine this issue. Two notions are of importance here, magical resistance and recuperation.

   As established above, a central function of subcultures was to challenge and resolve the ideology behind the parent culture. Scholars at the CCCS developed the term ‘magical resistance’ to emphasise how these challenges posed by subcultures could not go beyond the cultural realm and were thus an ineffective challenge to the reality of working-class oppression that merely provided a cultural escape for the youth (Cohen, 1972). In other words, magical solutions offer the illusion of resistance without tackling the real oppressive structures that lay underneath the parent culture:

   “It is almost that the cultures, in their silent way, lived as if the basic structures were changed – enjoying that in imagination while making no attempt to bring it about in reality” (Willis, 1978, p. 177).

   Furthermore, because subcultural resistance often takes place in the sphere of leisure, it is prone to recuperation (Hebdige, 1979). As defined by Debord (2012) recuperation is “the process through which the spectacle can hollow-out any gesture of resistance, re-represent it, and divest it of its radical content” (pp. 17-18). Essentially, once a sign has been “recuperated” it becomes trivial and a commodity and mainstream culture can therefore make use of it (Bleakley, 2018). It therefore follows that subcultural resistance is, in a sense, “doomed to failure” (Sweetman, 2013). As conceptualised by the CCCS, subcultures cannot overcome the contradictions of mainstream culture, nor the oppression of working-class positionality.

   Building from these two concepts, in her book Lifestyle politics and radical activism (2013) Laura Portwood-Stacer examines lifestyle anarchist movements. Specifically, she discusses critiques of lifestyle practices. Said critiques point out that while lifestyle practices may seem revolutionary, they do little to actually subvert capitalism and its structures. Her discussion involves notions of magical resistance and recuperation that she furthers through analysis of the participation in these spaces as superfluous and lacking in depth and understanding:

“the fact that many who became involved in punk scenes lacked a deep understanding of anarchist history or political philosophy meant that their enactment of anarchist principles could, at times, be fairly limited, remaining at the “shallow” level of their individual lifestyle choices” (Portwood-Stacer, 2013, p. 132)

   The resistance presented by lifestyle activists is symbolic in nature, but also superficial, which makes these movements prone to co-option, and therefore “inadequate for the contemporary radical leftist project, which seeks broader social reorganization” (Portwood-Stacer, 2013, p. 133).

   Although the original creator of the corecore movement claims that “the whole point of this stuff is to create something that can’t be categorized, commodified, made into clickbait, or moderated—something immune to the functions of control that dictate the content we consume and the ideas we are allowed to hold” (Mendez, 2023), Corecore can be analysed in similar terms to lifestyle anarchists. The nature of #Corecore is the aestheticization of a political movement for its consumption in a social media platform. This creates a situation similar to that of lifestyle anarchists, where activism presents only a magical resistance that is prone to recuperation or co-option. Online users can freely decide to become corecore creators, even if their understanding and commitment to the cause is superficial or inexistent. As a matter of fact, people have begun recreating the aesthetic, in an act of repetition, rather than an act of creation, to benefit from the popularity of the movement. For #Corecore, as the aesthetic has grown in popularity, the videos being posted under the hashtag have shifted in content, intention, and meaning. Many are now nonsensical combinations that have been stripped of all political ideology, but that maintain the aesthetic rules, and only intend to provoke an emotional response, generally of sadness and loneliness (See: @carpetedkitchn, 2023 for a nonsensical combination; @sigmatire, 2023 for turn into sadness). In this sense, not only has the aesthetic has just posed a ‘magical resistance’, but its ideological subversiveness has also been co-opted.

 

CAPITALIST REALISM

   A second theoretical avenue can be used to examine questions of resistance that allows for a more open-ended inquiry into the effectiveness of subcultural resistance. In his 2009 book Capitalist Realism, Fisher uses the term to illustrate “the widespread sense that not only is capitalism the only viable political and economic system, but also that it is now impossible even to imagine a coherent alternative to it” (p. 2). With capitalist realism Fisher is not trying to defend capitalism as the most adequate system. Rather, he illustrates how capitalism and neoliberalism hold an ideological power, reinforced in the 80 and 90s when socialist nations collapsed, that prevents people from conceiving of a viable alternative. This is however not a theory of the all-encompassing power of capitalism. Fisher does in fact believe that capitalist realism may be threatened by disproving the ‘realism’ aspect of capitalist realism. In the book, he contends that this challenge ought to be done by showing that capitalism is inconsistent by highlighting the contradictions that arise from mental health issues and bureaucracy.

   Notably, corecore does not tackle these contradictions. However, Fisher further explored avenues of resistance in an email dialogue with Jeremy Gilbert. Whilst the two authors discussed a multiplicity of tensions contained within capitalist realism, I focus here on the following quote:

“Having said all this about what should happen at the level of political leadership, however, I think it’s also necessary to think about what would have to happen at the ‘molecular’ level […]. To really make a political challenge to neoliberalism viable, we would need to see some significant cultural upswell of radically democratic, libertarian yet anti-individualist sentiment” (Fisher & Gilbert, 2013, p. 100).

   If, as I previously argued, online platforms are a space for the creation of culture, where corecore represents a form of subculture and resistance to the neoliberal mainstream, then corecore could potentially represent the change at the molecular level that Fisher & Gilbert argue for. At the very least, corecore creators intend to bring to light the contradictions of capitalism, which, according to Fisher, is an essential step to overcome the ideological hegemony of capitalism. Even if corecore does not lead to political action outside of the cultural sphere, the argument in this section can be extrapolated to other online movements. It may very well be the case that future activism starts from social media counter trends.

 

CONCLUSION

   From all of the above arguments, I contend that two conclusions can be reached in this essay. Firstly, examining corecore through a subcultural lens allows for in-depth analysis of the tensions it creates. As highlighted within the second section, whilst it is not possible to draw a perfect parallel between the subcultures the CCCS explored and corecore, there are plenty of similarities useful to examine the symbolic challenges corecore presents. In essence, I have attempted to show that, as a movement, corecore is meant to subvert many of the taken for granted features of participation in online content creation. Furthermore, an analysis of this online aesthetic through CCCS theories, brings out the contradictions inherent in a symbolic challenge to the capitalistic class-structure. From these contradictions, the second conclusion I reach in this paper is that the aesthetic nature of corecore, leads not only to a surface-level critique, but also to an easily co-opted movement with little potential to carry out real-life changes. However, in this instance, and drawing from Fisher’s capitalist realism, I wish to leave questions on the potential for real change slightly unanswered. Although I recognise that there is a certain degree of co-option that has already taken place, which might make corecore itself doomed to failure, other online movements might be crucial to future social and political action.

 

 

 

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[1] In social media platforms, a user can generate hashtag by preceding a word with the symbol #. This action creates a metadata tag that contains content grouped by topic or theme.

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